Ministerial funding conditions on specific universities & providers

During the 2020s the government has implemented policy using a broad ministerial power to impose conditions on funding agreements. Universities must sign these agreements to receive Commonwealth Grant Scheme funding. I have criticised this use of funding agreements when the conditions subvert the intent of the Higher Education Support Act 2003 and/or avoid parliamentary scrutiny.

A repeat offence example is allocating Commonwealth supported places to specific courses, such as in the 20,000 equity places policy, when this is not supposed to happen unless the course is first ‘designated’ by the minister.

Another example is starting implementation of the equity plan expenditure of unused CGS grants through funding agreements, when this was actually to be financed under the ‘other grants’ provisions of HESA 2003. (Eventually proper legal processes were followed.)

A third example is the ban on early offers using funding agreements. Admissions-related issues are covered by other sections of HESA 2003 and by the Threshold Standards administered by TEQSA. A substantive policy issue like this should have gone via one of these processes that include parliamentary scrutiny.

The scope of ministerial discretionary power should be constrained. Instead, the funding legislation introduced in late June would lift some existing restrictions. It exposes universities and other higher education providers to worse misuse of power. This post explains the proposed changes and suggests remedies.

All legislative references in the following text are to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 unless otherwise specified, ‘current’ signalling the legislation now in force, ‘new’ signalling the amending bill, the Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026.

Current power to add conditions to funding agreements

Under the current HESA 2003, some conditions of funding are built into the legislation, such as which students are eligible for Commonwealth supported places. These will remain.

On top of the legislated conditions, current section 30-25(2) states that ‘the agreement may specify conditions to which the grants are subject, that are additional to the conditions that apply under Division 36’ [such as CSP eligibility]. This is the legal authority for the examples given above.

Section 30-25(2) has restrictions placed on it.

The minister cannot exclude a course from Commonwealth support using a funding agreement. This must be done under current section 36-15(2), which requires a legislative instrument to be used. This legislative instrument is subject to disallowance by either house of parliament: current section 30-25(2A).

Another restriction is that the conditions cannot relate to industrial relations matters: current section 30-25(2B). This was intended to stop Coalition governments using funding agreements to pursue their IR agendas.

Because funding agreements will no longer exist under the new system current sections 30-25, 30-25(2A) and 30-25(2B) are repealed by the amending bill: item 2, part 1, schedule 1.

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The proposed new funding system, part 6: Private universities and non-university higher education providers

The funding system I have described parts 1 to 5 of this series of posts applies in full to the higher education providers listed on ‘Table A’ of the Higher Education Support Act 2003. The public universities and the Batchelor Institute of Indigenous Tertiary Education appear on Table A.

This post looks at the situation of other higher education providers. This includes 5 private universities, 8 university colleges and 166 other higher education providers.

Provider registration by TEQSA does not confer any funding entitlements. It is necessary but not sufficient for funding.

No non-Table A provider has any statutory right to Commonwealth supported places. Four of the five private universities are, however, listed on Table B of HESA 2003. This entitles them to research funding and some other government funding but not CSPs. This post describes how non-Table A providers can get CSPs under the new system.

All legislative references in what follows are to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 unless otherwise specified, ‘current’ signalling the legislation now in force, ‘new’ signalling the amending bill, the  Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026.

Eligibility for Commonwealth supported places

In the new funding system, as now, eligibility for Commonwealth supported places is based on history and politics, not any objective criteria.

The minister, rather than ATEC, will decide whether a provider should be eligible for CSPs. This is done by putting providers on a list in the Commonwealth Grant Scheme Guidelines: new section 30-1(10(a)(ii).

We can see the current policy on adding providers from the 2026 funding agreements. They make reference to CSPs for TAFEs and ‘other high-quality not-for-profit specialist providers’. Five TAFEs have been added since last year. NIDA is also new to the list. The only new not-for-profit is Excelsia University College, although I would not call it a specialist provider, as CSP allocations to teaching, early childhood, social work and counselling courses suggest.

There is no specific power for ATEC to advise on provider additions, but possibly it could do so as incidental to advisory subjects in section 41 of the ATEC Act 2026 including (a) policy settings for higher education and (e) the ‘diversity of the higher education system’.

While eligibility is conferred by the minister ATEC will decide whether or not to allocate CSPs.

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Rewards and penalties under ATEC and the new funding system

This post in an overview of rewards and penalties available to ATEC as it enforces mission based compact terms and student places allocations.

By the standards of recent higher education regulation the ATEC compliance regime seems relatively weak. This may reflect a trade-off between maximising administrative discretion and creating clear laws to which fines could be attached.

The only automatic penalty universities face under the new system is for enrolling more students than the bureaucrats think they should have.

Rewards – the strange absence of mission funding

Despite the word ‘mission’ in the compact title and reference to university missions in the ATEC Act 2026 nothing in the original ATEC legislation, or the Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026 introduced late last month, gives ATEC any power to support universities in achieving their mission other than by allocating additional Commonwealth supported places.

A mission fund could have provided a balance to homogenising compact targets. But no such fund is planned and no legal provision under which it could be paid is in the current or amending legislation. With no mission funding the compacts are just another compliance exercise.

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The proposed new funding system, part 5: What has happened to effectively demand driven funding for equity groups?

In his second reading speech for the Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026 education minister Jason Clare said that it will ‘help more people from poor families and the regions and the bush to get into university. In simple terms, if you get the marks, and you’ve got what it takes you will get a place.’  Later in the speech, he described the new policy as ‘effectively uncapping the system for these students’.

This is the latest iteration of a concept first announced as ‘effectively demand driven’ funding in the Accord final report and then described by the Department of Education as ‘managed demand driven funding’.

Whatever its name, how this policy would be implemented remained unclear. The policy implies eligibility criteria – ‘if you get the marks’ – that do not exist at the system level. It raised questions about the coherence of the government’s position. Does it make sense to impose tougher caps on enrolments generally while claiming to ‘effectively uncap’ a sub-section of students? Isn’t this just a part-solution to an avoidable problem caused by hard caps?

The silence of the bill

Anyone hoping that the funding bill would provide clarity will be disappointed. There is no uncapping of places for any category of student that isn’t already demand driven. But another feature of the system gives ATEC some flexibility to allocate additional places late in the enrolment period.

A recap on the new system

First a recap on how the new system will work. The first step is for the minister to set a total allocation pool of places, which will cover all coursework places other than medicine and the demand driven programs for Indigenous students.

The second step is for ATEC to allocate those places to universities. This will be a combination of ‘core student load’, a historical figure, and an ‘additional growth allocation’. Together these are the ‘domestic student profile’ of each university.

On top of the domestic student profile universities will have an over-enrolment buffer, of 750 places or 5% of the domestic student profile, whichever is lower. As part of transition measures some universities can have total places exceeding these levels but caps on commencing students.

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The proposed new funding system, part 4: Needs based funding

The idea behind needs based funding is that universities should be paid according to student characteristics, not just the disciplines of the subjects students take. While agreeing with the broad concept behind needs based funding, I have criticised the government’s approach for its limited use of direct measures of need.

Needs based funding as implemented modifies existing programs rather than making a major conceptual change to the funding system. It converts equity group funding and a regional campus loading to a per student basis, rather than the previous formula-driven shares of a fixed maximum fund.

I won’t re-prosecute my criticisms of the government’s policies in detail here. My focus will be on the how these policies have been translated into legislation through the Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026, introduced into Parliament in late June.

I have two main concerns about the bill compared to expectations. Low SES status will be defined by the time of enrolment in a unit of study, rather than the first address on enrolment with the provider, and so numbers will be under-stated. Also the minister can easily vary down the loadings for various student characteristics and regional campus payments for continuing students.

As with my previous explainer posts on this bill, I am happy to receive feedback via comments or direct communication.

Interim needs based funding

Needs based funding exists this year under interim legal measures. This post describes 2026 funding rules for low SES and Indigenous students. This post explains 2026 funding rules for regional campus students.

In those posts I was critical of their poor-practice legal basis, which allowed the minister to pay needs-based funding grants (or not) entirely at his discretion, with the substantive rules for allocation in a Department of Education document with no legal standing.

The bill will give the needs based funding programs a much stronger legal basis while still leaving significant ministerial discretion.

All legislative references in the following text are to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 unless otherwise specified, ‘current’ signalling the legislation now in force, ‘new’ signalling the amending bill.

Which higher education providers are eligible?

A provider is eligible if it has been allocated Commonwealth supported places for the year: new section 39-10. This applies to both the equity and regional parts of needs-based funding.

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The proposed new funding system, part 3: Capping over-enrolments

The Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026, in itself, does not do what it says in the cover.

Although the minister’s promotional material focuses on new Commonwealth supported places expected over coming years he could have funded those under the current system – albeit imprecisely, as the current system largely allocates in dollars rather than places. The most we can say in favour of the bill and new places is that it will be more obvious whether or not they have been funded.

Where the bill differs most from the current funding system is in reducing places at the university level. In the previous post I explained how a year of under-enrolment could result in a lower allocation of places two years later. In today’s post I describe proposed new restrictions on over-enrolments, students taken above the allocated level.

All legislative references in the following text are to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 unless otherwise specified, ‘current’ signalling the legislation now in force, ‘new’ signalling the amending bill.

As with the earlier posts, this is one is dealing with complex legislation so I am happy to receive feedback through comments or direct communication.

The current system

Under the current ‘higher education courses’ grant – all CSP categories other than medicine or Indigenous students in demand driven places – there is a maximum basic grant amount. The value of CSPs delivered in this category is calculated as the Commonwealth contribution rate * the number of student places delivered. If the value of these places exceeds the MBGA the university gets the MBGA but no more: current section 33-5(2). In 2024 nine universities delivered student places worth at least 5% more than their MBGA.

For student contributions, however, there is no cap. The provisions on upfront student contributions and HECS-HELP loans give the Commonwealth no power to intervene on these payments: current sections 93-15 and 96-1 respectively.

The proposed system capped student contributions

There will be a transitional scheme for currently over-enrolled universities, which I cover below. First I will focus on the long-run system under which universities will get an over-enrolment buffer, for which student contributions are paid, but then be penalised student contribution revenue for places in excess of the buffer.

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The proposed new funding system, part 2: ATEC allocations of Commonwealth supported places to public universities

In the previous post, I outlined how the minister would set total numbers of Commonwealth supported student places if the Universities Accord (Opening the Doors of Opportunity) Bill 2026 is passed. This post looks at how the Australian Tertiary Education Commission (ATEC) will allocate CSPs to public universities. ATEC will also allocate places to other higher education providers, discussed in a later post.

To recap on the previous post, ATEC will allocate places from a ‘total allocation pool’ (TAP) determined by the minister. ATEC will not allocate medical places, which the minister will do. ATEC will also not allocate demand driven places, currently Indigenous students in bachelor degrees or medicine.

All legislative references in the following text are to the Higher Education Support Act 2003 unless otherwise specified, ‘current’ signalling the legislation now in force, ‘new’ signalling the amending bill.

Feedback is welcome via the comments or direct communication. This is complex legislation and I may misunderstand things. Three revisions to my first post so far.

Total number of Commonwealth supported places per university

The total number of CSPs allocated to a university will be known as their ‘domestic student profile’: new section 30-15(2).

The domestic student profile will have up to two components, the ‘core student load’ and an ‘additional growth allocation’: new section 30-25.

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Rule by email in higher education policy – over-enrolment and governance

This post is about unlegislated higher education policies. The story starts last year with reports that the government was imposing caps on commencing Commonwealth supported places, which reached the media in November 2025. This sparked my interest, as the current funding legislation does not specifically authorise it.

By the end of the Universities Australia conference in February 2026 I was also hearing that governance conditions were being imposed on universities getting additional funds to reduce over-enrolment (taking students on the student contribution only). The policies were implemented via emails to vice-chancellors.

I decided to file a Freedom of Information request on the emails. I paid a $150 processing charge. This week the request was granted.

The minister’s letter

The FoI release shows that this process started with a letter from Jason Clare to the ‘interim ATEC’ dated 28 August 2025.

The letter reiterates the minister’s views on the impact of over-enrolments for the universities left with too few students. Its solution is to get over-enrolled universities to do three things:

  • ‘Agree’ to a plan to reduce or not further grow commencing Commonwealth supported students
  • Report on plans to support staff and students during this transition period (an implicit acknowledgement that fewer CSPs = fewer staff)
  • Early adoption of agreed actions from the Education Ministers’ consideration of recommendations from the Expert Council on University Governance

To do these things, universities were to be given two incentives and one threat.

  • A share of a $50 million over-enrolment fund for 2026, which would convert some over-enrolled places to fully-funded places (i.e. Commonwealth + student contribution)
  • A more attractive transition phase to a capped system, under which they could keep student contributions for over-enrolments while trending down to the caps (the ‘glidepath’)
  • And the threat that ‘actions they take now will be considered by ATEC when allocating growth places through mission based compacts for 2027’.

Emails to vice-chancellors of over-enrolled universities, dated 11 December 2025, mentioned that they had already agreed to ‘pursue a more modest growth strategy in 2026’ and told them that they had until 14 January 2026 to confirm student and staff support plans and agreement to governance actions.

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ATEC’s interim statement of strategic priorities

Yesterday the Australian Tertiary Education Commission issued an interim statement of strategic priorities. This statement will guide university mission based compacts for 2027. This post covers the legal status of the statement, its apparent approach to management of the sector via compacts, and what it proposes in the areas of skills, First Nations, equity, teaching quality, VET-higher education relations, and research.

Decision-making under the ATEC system

When fully operational the ATEC decision-making process will operate in the sequence shown in the chart below.

Despite the ATEC Act 2026 officially coming into force on 29 April 2026, ATEC’s interim statement seems to be operating in the legal limbo the organisation has been in since being established as the ‘interim ATEC’ in July 2025.

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Needs based funding – the low SES and Indigenous component

Directing some university funding based on student, rather than just course, characteristics was one good idea coming from the Universities Accord. Students arrive in higher education with varying academic abilities. Other personal attributes and circumstances present potential obstacles to successful study. In a mass higher education system these are routine issues. But some universities enrol more students needing help to succeed than others, a fact only indirectly recognised to date, through equity group funding.

In 2024 I argued that needs based funding should go beyond equity group membership and use more reliable needs indicators, including admissions information. Policy should stop prioritising niche targeted programs over larger-scale initiatives that would benefit many students but higher-needs students the most. Broader changes to pedagogy or student services, for example.

But the needs based funding system as introduced for 2026, for which we now have additional administrative detail, is for the most part not genuine needs based funding. It is an update of old equity programs. In this post I will examine the ‘equity component’ of the new program. A later post will look at the ‘regional component’.

The legal framework

The current legal basis of needs based funding is intended to be temporary. Like previous equity programs it is authorised under section 41-10 (item 1) of the Higher Education Support Act 2003, under which the minister makes ‘grants to promote equality of opportunity in higher education’. It is one of the ‘other grants’ in the Act, that is other than the Commonwealth Grant Scheme (CGS). All ‘other grants’, and the amounts paid under them, are at the discretion of the minister. The plan, however, is to give needs based funding its own statutory basis in the CGS. We are yet to see the necessary legislation.

While current legal arrangements are temporary they are also unusual and unsatisfactory. The funding amounts and formulas, which I will discuss shortly, are not in the needs based funding legislative instrument. This instrument regulates eligibility for and use of needs based funding, but not how it is calculated. Indeed, it does not require that any money be paid at all.

Section 41-30 of HESA 2003 states that the amount of each ‘other grant’ is based on the guidelines, of which there are none for this matter, or ‘the amount determined in writing by the minister’. So needs based funding depends on this ministerial determination.

Instead of specifying the funding rules in a legislative instrument, the Department of Education has issued a document called Needs-based Funding Guidance v1.0 December 2025. This has no formal legal status, but tells universities how the minister intends to calculate funding per institution under section 41-30.

Funding determined this way without formal guidelines is not unprecedented in higher education policy, for example the national institutes grants. But I can’t think of another example where there is an underlying funding formula but the government has chosen not to put it into legal form. I see this as another example of the decline of the rule of law in higher education, in favour of ministerial or potentially ATEC discretion.

I expect that needs based funding will be paid, but to date there is no public evidence that the necessary funding has been authorised.

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