The fall and rise of postgraduate Commonwealth supported places

The Centre for the Study of Higher Education at the University of Melbourne has today published The fall and rise of postgraduate Commonwealth supported places, which I co-authored with Ren-Hao Xu. It is part of our research project on university decision-making under Job-ready Graduates, with other papers here and here.

As the title suggests, the paper shows how domestic postgraduate coursework places became increasingly full-fee before a reversal, so that now, for the first time since the 1990s, most places in public universities are Commonwealth supported. Additional flexibility in the use of CSPs introduced by Job-ready Graduates facilitated this growth.

This change saved postgraduate students significant amounts of money, but the scale of CSP provision looks fragile. We argue that it was partly a byproduct of excess capacity created by weak undergraduate demand in the post-lockdown years. As that demand returns pressure to move CSPs back to undergraduate courses will grow, compounded by tighter controls on CSP numbers in the ATEC era.

Financing domestic postgraduate coursework

With a few niche exceptions, all public university domestic undergraduates are in Commonwealth supported places (CSPs). But domestic postgraduate coursework – graduate certificate through to masters by coursework – has long been a mixed economy, with both Commonwealth supported and full-fee places on offer, sometimes in the same course. Full-fee students can use FEE-HELP to finance their studies.

Until Job-ready Graduates took effect in 2021, postgraduate CSPs were a ‘designated’ category, along with sub-bachelor places. Postgraduate CSPs were allocated to universities by funding cluster (groups of disciplines with the same Commonwealth contribution) in university-government funding agreements.

The spread of designated CSPs across postgraduate courses reflected historical allocations and ad hoc decisions on new places. These ad hoc allocations were not principle free – recurrent justifications included providing places for postgraduate initial professional entry courses and addressing skills shortages – but the cumulative consequences were untidy. University allocations of postgraduate CSPs ranged from dozens to thousands. This created messy local markets. Universities struggled to fill full-fee places when their competitors had CSPs.

Job-ready Graduates abolished specific allocations of postgraduate places, except in medicine. It put postgraduate coursework into a single fund with sub-bachelor and bachelor degree places. The Commonwealth contribution funding each university could receive for these places is their ‘maximum basic grant amount’ (MBGA).

From 2021, universities decided whether to use their CSPs in postgraduate courses. These decisions were not straightforward. A fixed maximum basic grant amount created a potential trade-off with undergraduate places. A second trade-off existed with full-fee postgraduate places, which usually generate significantly more revenue per place than a CSP.

Trends in postgraduate full-fee and Commonwealth supported places

Across the entire sector, including private higher education providers, domestic full-fee postgraduate places are just a majority, at 50.2% of all places.

But looking at public universities only, CSPs became a similarly narrow majority in 2021, the first year of Job-ready Graduates. The CSP share stood at 58% in 2024. The relative shares are back to where they were in the late 1990s, but with CSPs trending up rather than down.

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Trends in domestic postgraduate coursework education

I have a paper coming out soon, co-authored with Ren-Hao Xu, on the rise of Commonwealth supported places in postgraduate coursework degrees. It is another in our series on university decision-making under Job-ready Graduates. This post provides more general background on domestic postgraduate coursework trends.

Key points:

  • Despite a return to headcount growth following a mid-to-late 2010s stall, domestic PG coursework enrolments are declining as a % of the main potential market, the bachelor-degree holding population.
  • On a full-time equivalent student basis the largest domestic PG coursework enrolments by field are in education, business and health. Growth over the last decade is concentrated in health, social work and IT.
  • PG coursework had a 63.6% female enrolment share in 2024. The large health and education fields are highly feminised. The female enrolment share is increasing in most other broad fields of education.
  • Two-step bachelor/masters entry to professional occupations is making the PG coursework population younger.
  • More PG coursework is being delivered online, a likely cause of increased rates of part-time study.
  • In line with 2020s enrolment trends, course completions are increasing. Many migrants also have postgraduate qualifications. As a result the postgraduate share of the workforce is increasing.

Why do students enrol in postgraduate coursework degrees?

In the ABS work-related training survey students mainly give job-related reasons for taking a postgraduate coursework degree. Since 2017 more students take degrees for reasons relating to their current job, compared to seeking a career change or a better job.

Trends in overall domestic postgraduate enrolments

In the mid-to-late 2010s we saw a multi-year plateau in postgraduate coursework enrolments, at around 200,000. Then, in a likely example of higher education’s counter-cyclical relationship with the labour market, enrolments increased significantly in 2020 and 2021. As jobs returned enrolments eased off, but remained above 2019 levels.

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The 2026 funding agreements, Part 3: New rules on closing courses

In the 2026 university funding agreements the rules on closing courses have changed and now require universities to follow additional processes. These changes are presumably a response to course and subject closures at UTS, at Macquarie, the ANU, the University of Canberra, and other institutions.

Confusingly, however, the agreements differ between universities on the timelines to follow.

Which courses are covered?

The basic threshold for a course being covered by the closure rules is that it must be an undergraduate or postgraduate course in which Commonwealth supported places have been used for at least two years. This includes a major within a course.

A course is not considered closed if it is immediately replaced by another course that leads to the same occupation or provides a similar specialised skill.

A course is considered closed, however, if it suspends intake of students for more than one consecutive academic year.

These criteria are unchanged from last year.

Timing of notification

In 2025 universities had to notify the Commonwealth of potential course closures by 31 July and before information on the closure is made public.

In 2026 the 31 July deadline is gone. Presumably it was unrealistic about university decision making timelines.

In what I will call funding agreement variation A, for 2026 notification of actual or potential course closures should occur at the earlier of (i) as soon as reasonably possible before final decisions to close courses are made or (ii) before any information on the potential course closure is made public.

In what I will call funding agreement variation B, for 2026 notification of potential course closures should occur by the earlier of (i) the finalisation of the provider’s Mission Based Compact for the following year (or where a new Mission Based Compact is not being negotiated, the finalisation of annual allocation of domestic student places for the following year), or (ii) one calendar month before any information on the potential course closure is made public.

Variation B is a bold inclusion, as the ‘annual allocation of domestic student places’ refers to a new funding system that requires legislation. As of early February 2026 it had not been introduced into Parliament, much less passed.

For variation B universities, then, the effective current rule is to notify the Commonwealth at least one month prior to making a course closure public. Variation A universities can wait until closer to the date of public disclosure before telling the government, unless they have made a final decision, as they need to inform the government as soon as possible before that decision.

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Senate inquiry submission on mass cancelling courses for international students, banning new higher education providers, and Indigenous demand driven funding for medical courses

Update 28/11/2025: The Senate passed some amendments to this bill. These are noted in the original posts.

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Senate inquiry submissions are due on Friday for the Education Legislation Amendment (Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025.

I am releasing my late draft submission in case it helps people finalising their own submissions and to identify any errors or omissions on my part.

Update 17/11/25: Final submission on the Senate committee website.

It builds on my three prior blog posts on the subject – on mass cancelling courses for international students, on a de facto ban on new higher education providers, and on extending Indigenous demand driven funding to medical courses.

Mass cancelling CRICOS course registrations

The main new content in the submission is description of existing legislative powers that can achieve the same claimed policy goals as the course cancellation proposal.

The practical effect of the bill, if it passes, would be to enable the suspension of the rule of law. It would allow the minister to make decisions according to vague criteria, without consulting anyone or considering other relevant laws. Due process would be abolished; providers could be penalised with course cancellation even if they have followed the law and acted ethically at all times.

It shocks me that this Trump-style bid to rule by executive order has even been introduced into Parliament. It’s staggering that, given nearly a year to think again since its original defeat last year, the government has brought back a bill that is, in some places, even more defective than their first attempt. I am referring here to removing the requirement to consult TEQSA or ASQA before cancelling a course on ‘standard of delivery’ grounds.

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Mapping Australian higher education 2023 – data update March 2025

Update 20/12/2025: More recent data here.

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I won’t have the capacity to produce another edition of my Mapping Australian higher education report in the foreseeable future, but I am extending the life of the October 2023 edition by updating the data behind the charts.

Mapping‘s chart data is the only publicly-available source of long-term time series data on many higher education topics, especially on financial matters.

I had been waiting on the 2023 university finances report before releasing another chart data update. That finally happened yesterday. Despite a record 27 universities reporting deficits, in the aggregate there was a small surplus, after a loss overall in 2022.

2023 had some weak numbers for the two main Commonwealth student programs, the Commonwealth Grant Scheme and HELP. Several factors were behind this: temporary COVID places coming out of the system, Job-ready Graduates reductions in total funding rates for some courses, and weak domestic demand. These programs trended up in 2024 and 2025, as seen in the chart below, although high CPI-driven indexation was a significant factor.

The updated chart data is available here.

How attractive will the FEE-FREE Uni Ready places be to universities?

Last week the government introduced legislation that would, among other things, create a new funding category for what we now call enabling courses, which will be redesigned and rebadged as FEE-FREE Uni Ready places. These courses help prepare students for higher education study.

The current system

Under the current system, Commonwealth supported enabling places are funded at the Commonwealth contribution rate for the relevant discipline.

Enabling places are not capped but the financial incentives to enrol enabling CSP students are weak because no student contribution can be charged.

An enabling loading is paid in lieu for universities with an allocation of enabling funding, but many universities have no enabling loading or a low amount.

The government does not seem to update the enabling loading in a public place, but indexing a previous rate I think it is $3,886 per EFTSL in 2024.

Job-ready Graduates affected the financing of enabling places in fields with Commonwealth contribution cuts. Nearly 40% of enabling places are in the lowest Commonwealth contribution field, $1,236 for 2024. That plus the enabling loading = $5,122 per place.

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Job-ready Graduates price effects?: An update with 2022 enrolment data

The official release yesterday of the CPI-indexed Job-ready Graduates student contributions for 2025 has prompted questions about what impact the JRG price increases have had on enrolments.

With arts, business and law student contributions to hit nearly $17,000 a year in 2025 – with our bout of inflation having increased them from $14,500 in 2021 – students would be wise to think about whether this is a sensible investment. That’s $50,000 for a basic 3 year degree or $85,000 for common combinations like arts/law or business/law.

On the other hand, as I have argued, students follow their interests while keeping an eye on which courses within their cluster of interests would have the best employment and salary outcomes.

The most sophisticated work to date, using NSW data to 2021, found small effects in the expected directions.

Using simple trends in subjects taken, this post will look at domestic commencing EFTSL by discipline in the 2010-2022 period, drawing on the annual commencing load spreadsheet produced by the Department of Education. This does not distinguish between CSP and domestic full-fee students, but it is the best I can do with publicly available data.

Because I am comparing fields with very different absolute enrolments, I have converted them to an index, with 2010=1. So an index of 1.1 in a subsequent year would mean 10% more EFTSL, and an index of .9 would mean 10% fewer EFTSL.

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Did bachelor degree enrolments decline significantly between 2016 and 2022?

This is a post I started writing several months ago, before the Accord final report and other major higher education policy announcements pushed it aside. I have completed it as a companion to my census attainment post on data issues in higher education.

Late last year several media outlets, using data from the ABS Education and Work survey, reported declining bachelor degree enrolments. In November 2023, bachelor degree enrolments were said to be down 12 per cent between 2016 and 2022. Another newspaper rounded the drop to 13 per cent. In December 2023 bachelor degree enrolments were said to be at their lowest level since 2011.

This post explains why these media stories exaggerate enrolment decline. The most important reason is that Education and Work does not count offshore international students. But comparing Education and Work results with enrolment data shows that it typically undercounts onshore international students and overcounts domestic students, particularly those in bachelor degrees. It also has occasional rogue surveys that produce misleading comparison years.

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How reliable are Census educational attainment numbers?

I am a big user of ABS data, including for calculating educational participation and attainment rates. Recently I have been using Census longitudinal data, which links records from a 5% sample of the Australian Census between different Census dates.

Due to respondent inattention to questions, or mistakes by family members answering for others, I would expect some inconsistent answers between censuses. But inconsistency rates for education-related questions are alarmingly high.

For the highest year of school education the ABS-reported inconsistency rate between 2016 and 2021 was 6.8%. For highest non-school qualification the inconsistency rate was 8.9% – meaning that a lower highest education qualification was reported in 2021 than 2016.

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Mapping Australian higher education 2023 – official release

Update 20/12/2025: More recent data here.

Mapping Australian higher education 2023 is now available from the ANU Centre for Social Research and Methods website.

Update 30/10/2024: There is a later version of Mapping 2023’s data here.

Update 26/10/23: A reader has pointed out that list of FEE-HELP NUHEPs is incomplete. A column of names from the original Excel file was omitted during production. The full list is available here. This list also includes three non-FEE-HELP providers registered by TEQSA since the pdf version was finalised. A corrected version of Mapping with the full list of NUHEPs, as of mid-2023, is here.

If anyone has noticed other errors please let me know.